The trade union bureaucracy's response to Israel's genocide has been, with only isolated exceptions, one of active complicity — and this is not an accident of individual cowardice but an expression of the class character of the bureaucracy itself.
Across the imperialist centers, the union apparatuses have either remained silent or openly backed the slaughter. In the United States, the AFL-CIO issued a one-paragraph statement on October 11, 2023 denouncing Hamas for "unspeakable atrocities and carnage" and "terrorism" while saying nothing about the far greater violence of the Israeli military, which by then had killed nearly 10,000 people, including over 4,000 children. The statement shed crocodile tears about a "humanitarian crisis" without naming its source — the Israeli government and the Biden White House — and called for a "swift resolution" to the "conflict." As the WSWS reported, the clear meaning was that the federation "fully backs the Gazan genocide" (AFL-CIO bureaucracy clamps down on growing support for Palestine among US workers).
When rank-and-file workers moved in the opposite direction — the Thurston-Lewis-Mason Central Labor Council in Washington state passed a unanimous resolution opposing "any union involvement in the production or transportation of weapons destined for Israel" — AFL-CIO President Liz Shuler intervened to overrule it, issuing a memo declaring that "only the national AFL-CIO is authorized to take public positions on national and international issues." The "unity" she invoked was the unity of the bureaucracy against the membership.
The same pattern held internationally. In Germany, the DGB federal board posed for a group photo with the employers' association BDA and called a pro-Israel rally at the Brandenburg Gate, declaring "deeply felt solidarity with Israel" and denouncing the worldwide protests as evidence of "how deeply antisemitism is anchored in world society." IG Metall's vice chairman used the moment to lobby for more arms contracts for German industry (German trade unions support Israel's genocide in Gaza). In Britain, union leaders remained silent on the Palestinian trade unions' call for solidarity action. In Australia and Spain, the bureaucracies likewise blocked any industrial action against the war.
Where the bureaucracy did eventually adopt "ceasefire" resolutions — as the AFL-CIO did in February 2024 and the UAW in December 2023 — these were carefully crafted to avoid the words "genocide," "mass murder," and "ethnic cleansing," and to extricate Biden and the Democratic Party from responsibility. The UAW's resolution came only a month after its president, Shawn Fain, had shared a platform with Biden opposite antiwar demonstrators. These were not acts of opposition but damage control, designed to channel rank-and-file anger back into support for the very party prosecuting the war.
This response flows directly from what the trade union bureaucracy is. The unions have long ceased to be organs of working-class struggle and have been transformed into instruments of corporate management and the capitalist state — extensions of the Democratic Party and the State Department. The AFL-CIO has a notorious record of collaborating with the CIA in US-backed coups from Guatemala and Iran to Brazil and Chile, and it continues to operate on behalf of US imperialism today.
The bureaucracy is a privileged social layer, a stratum of well-paid officials whose material position, status, and power depend not on the workers they nominally represent but on their relationship to the corporations and the state. Their function is to suppress the class struggle, enforce "labor peace," and subordinate the working class to the foreign policy of their own ruling class. This is why, when the US and German governments made support for Israel's genocide a pillar of their drive toward a wider war in the Middle East, the union leaderships fell into line — because they are, in their social being, part of the state apparatus.
The genocide in Gaza is being used by US imperialism as a prelude to a wider war against Iran and other states, a second front in a struggle for world power that is escalating toward a third world war. The union bureaucracy is an indispensable component of this war drive: it is the mechanism by which the working class is prevented from acting against it. In Germany, IG Metall functions as a lobbyist for the arms companies and deploys its apparatus of works council representatives as "company police" to suppress resistance. In the US, the top bureaucrats are in regular communication with the Biden administration to block or limit strikes.
The chasm between the bureaucracy and the workers it claims to represent has never been wider. American workers are outraged by the massacre; German workers turned out ten-to-one for pro-Palestinian demonstrations over the pro-Israel rally; dock workers in Oakland attempted to block a weapons ship bound for Israel. The bureaucracy's response to this pressure has been to tie itself even more tightly to the government and to suppress any independent movement.
This is precisely why the fight against the genocide requires a fight against the union bureaucracy. Workers cannot stop the war through the existing union apparatuses, which are instruments of the war. They must build independent rank-and-file committees — as the postal workers, autoworkers, and rail workers have begun to do — to block the production and transport of weapons to Israel, and to link the struggle against war to the struggle against exploitation at home. As Will Lehman put it: "It is not the Democratic Party or the trade union bureaucrats who will stop imperialist war. War will only be stopped through the independent and unified initiative of the international working class."
The genocide in Gaza has exposed the trade union bureaucracy for what it is: not a defender of workers, but a transmission belt for the war policy of the ruling class. The task it poses is the political independence of the working class — the building of rank-and-file committees and, ultimately, a mass workers' party that breaks with the Democrats, the union bureaucracies, and the entire apparatus of imperialist war.
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The Canadian trade union bureaucracy's response to the genocide has followed the same essential pattern as its counterparts in the US, Germany, Britain, and Australia — but with a distinctly Canadian inflection, rooted in the unions' deep integration into the Liberal-NDP governmental alliance.
In late October 2023, as protests against the genocide were building across Canada, a coalition of unions and "social justice" groups stepped forward with an appeal for a ceasefire. Endorsed by some dozen major union bodies — including Unifor, the Canadian Union of Public Employees (CUPE), the Public Service Alliance of Canada, and the Montreal labour councils — the October 21 statement was, in the words of the WSWS, "mealy-mouthed" and "aimed at confining the mounting opposition... to futile appeals to the Liberal government to press for a 'ceasefire'" (Canadian unions urge pro-war Trudeau government to push for a "ceasefire" in Gaza).
The statement's character was revealing. It deplored "the violence in Israel-Palestine" in a detached, supposedly neutral tone, suggesting Hamas and the Israeli state were equally responsible for the slaughter. It mentioned the bombing of the al-Ahli Hospital — in which hundreds perished — without naming Israel as the perpetrator, a direct concession to the war propaganda of the Netanyahu regime and its Western allies. It contained not a single word of criticism of the Trudeau government or Canadian imperialism, despite the fact that Trudeau and Foreign Minister Mélanie Joly had repeatedly justified the siege of Gaza by insisting Israel had a "right" and a "duty" to "defend itself."
Several of the statement's demands were framed as endorsements of what the pro-war Trudeau government was already doing. The unions "humbly" called on the government to "call for an immediate ceasefire" and "endorse the Canadian government's call for humanitarian aid" — as if the government prosecuting the war could be appealed to as a neutral arbiter.
This was not naivety. The union leaderships have decades of experience smothering working-class opposition to austerity and war. Their aim was to corral the growing opposition among workers and youth behind pathetic appeals to the "progressive" Liberal government, so as to prevent them from turning to a socialist program.
The unions' distorted portrayal of the conflict is inseparable from their close political alliance with the Trudeau government, which they helped elect in 2015. The governmental alliance between the Canadian Labour Congress-sponsored NDP and the minority Liberals — formed to strengthen the government as Canada joined the US-led war on Russia — has bound the unions even more tightly to the pro-war Trudeau government. The CLC leadership under President Bea Bruske has openly boasted of its role in brokering this anti-worker alliance.
This is the decisive point: the Canadian union bureaucracy is not merely passive or silent on the genocide. It is an active political prop of the very government that is complicit in it. Ottawa has given full-throated support to Israeli war crimes, shielded Israel from criticism at the United Nations, and expanded its military-strategic partnership with the US, for whom Israel serves as a garrison state in the Middle East. The unions, through the NDP, provide the parliamentary votes that keep this government in power.
The NDP's own conduct exposed the fraud. NDP leader Jagmeet Singh issued a letter calling for a ceasefire that began with a sharp denunciation of Hamas' "terrorist attack" — suggesting October 7 was the origin of the conflict. And when Ontario MPP Sarah Jama issued a statement calling for an "end to all occupation of Palestinian land" and an immediate ceasefire, the Ontario NDP leadership expelled her from caucus, accusing her of creating an "unsafe work environment," on the same day the Ford government passed a motion of censure against her.
The most dramatic expression of the Canadian bureaucracy's role came in August 2024, when CUPE's National Executive Board sought to purge Fred Hahn, the president of its Ontario division, for his opposition to the genocide. Hahn had reposted an anti-genocide social media video — depicting an Israeli Olympic diver becoming a bomb over Gaza — and was vilified as an "antisemite" by the corporate media, Ontario Premier Doug Ford, and his ministers. The CUPE leadership demanded Hahn resign, citing a supposed violation of the union's "equality statement" (Canada's largest union victimizes senior official, Fred Hahn, for opposing Gaza genocide).
The WSWS and the Socialist Equality Party (Canada) called on workers to resolutely oppose the witch hunt of Hahn, despite well-documented political differences with him. The attack on Hahn was a flagrant assault on the democratic rights of CUPE's 750,000 members, and part of a ruling-class drive — actively supported by the Trudeau government and now aided by the CUPE leadership — to delegitimize and suppress popular opposition to imperialist war.
But the defense of Hahn could not be separated from a rejection of his politics. His differences with the top CUPE leadership, in which he has served for decades, are solely tactical. He voiced no opposition to the anti-worker union-NDP-Liberal alliance. In November 2022, he joined the rest of the bureaucracy in preventing the mass defiance of Ford's anti-strike Bill 28 from becoming a province-wide general strike. And while professing support for the Palestinians, he lifted not a finger to mobilize CUPE's 8,000 members at the University of Toronto to oppose the dismantling of the anti-genocide encampment there.
The Canadian case confirms the general analysis. The trade union bureaucracy is a privileged social layer whose material position depends on its relationship to the corporations and the state, not on the workers it nominally represents. In Canada, this takes the specific form of the unions' subordination to the NDP, which in turn props up the Liberal government. The bureaucracy's function is to suppress the class struggle and subordinate the working class to the foreign policy of Canadian imperialism — which is why, when Ottawa made support for Israel's genocide a pillar of its war drive, the union leaderships fell into line.
The pseudo-left has tried to use the victimization of Hahn to bolster the claim that workers must orient to the unions, arguing that there is a section of the bureaucracy susceptible to "left" pressure. This is a lie. The struggle against the genocide requires a struggle against the trade union bureaucracy itself — the building of independent rank-and-file committees that can mobilize workers in strike action against the war, and the fight for the political independence of the working class from the NDP, the Liberals, and the entire apparatus of Canadian imperialism.
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